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Wednesday, March 3, 2010

James Angleton - OSS, CIA, MI5, MOSSAD

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James Jesus Angleton was born in Boise, Idaho, on 9th December, 1917. His father, James Hugh Angleton, was a former cavalry officer who met his wife, Carmen Mercedes Moreno, while serving in Mexico.

Angleton's father worked for NCR. In 1933 he was sent to represent the firm in Europe. The following year he took over the NCR franchise in Italy. According to a close friend, Max Corvo, Angleton was "ultra-conservative" and a fascist sympathizer.

James Angleton was sent to be educated at Malvern College, a public school in Worcestershire. In 1937 Angleton enrolled at Yale University. He was a poor student but managed to graduate in the autumn of 1941 with a BA.

After marrying Cicely d'Autremont he joined the United States Army. During the Second World War Angleton served with the Office of Strategic Services and in March 1943 was sent to London to be trained by MI5 officers such as Dick White and Kim Philby. He later served as a counter-intelligence agent in Italy.

After the war Angleton worked for the War Department's Strategic Services Unit. He became the chief counter-intelligence officer for Italy but in 1947 he returned home to join the Central Intelligence Agency. In 1951 he was sent to Israel where he helped establish Mossad, the Israeli intelligence service.

In May 1951, two senior British officials, Guy Burgess and Donald Maclean, fled to the Soviet Union. Senior figures in the CIA were investigating Burgess and Maclean at the time and suspected that Kim Philby, a MI6 agent working in Washington had tipped off his two friends. The CIA director, Walter Bedell Smith, asked Angleton and William Harvey to write up separate reports detailing what they knew about Philby. Harvey came to the conclusion that Philby was a Soviet spy. However, Angleton claimed that Philby had been "honestly duped" and warned Smith against taking the matter further. Smith took the advice of Angleton and Philby was able to continue his work until escaping to the Soviet Union four years later.

In 1954 Allen Dulles appointed Angleton as chief of the CIA's counter-intelligence section. Two years later Angleton had his greatest success when he obtained a transcript of the speech Nikita Khrushchev made to the 1956 Soviet Party Congress denouncing Joseph Stalin. Angleton leaked doctored versions of the speech to numerous foreign government in a disinformation campaign.

In December 1961, Anatoli Golitsin, a KGB agent, working in Finland, defected to the CIA. He was immediately flown to the United States and lodged in a safe house called Ashford Farm near Washington. Interviewed by Angleton, Golitsin supplied information about a large number of Soviet agents working in the West.

In these interviews Golitsin argued that as the KGB would be so concerned about his defection, they would attempt to convince the CIA that the information he was giving them would be completely unreliable. He predicted that the KGB would send false defectors with information that contradicted what he was saying.

In June 1962 Yuri Nosenko made contact with the CIA in Geneva. He was deputy chief of the Seventh Department of the KGB. His main responsibility was the recruitment of foreign spies. He like Golitsin, provided evidence that John Vassall was a Soviet agent. However, most of his evidence undermined that given by Golitsin. This included Golitsin's claim that a senior figure in the Admiralty was a spy.

In July 1963, Golitsin traveled to London to be interviewed by Arthur Martin. Soon afterwards a senior MI5 officer leaked information to British newspapers that they were interviewing a KGB defector in London. As soon as this story appeared in the press, Golitsin returned to the United States and refused to give any more information to MI5.

When John F. Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Richard Helms was given the responsibility of investigating Lee Harvey Oswald and the CIA. Helms initially appointed John M. Whitten to undertake the agency's in-house investigation. After talking to Winston Scott, the CIA station chief in Mexico City, Whitten discovered that Oswald had been photographed at the Cuban consulate in early October, 1963. Scott had not reported this matter to Whitten, his boss, at the time. Nor had Scott told Whitten that Oswald had also visited the Soviet Embassy in Mexico. In fact, Whitten had not been informed of the existence of Oswald, even though there was a 201 pre-assassination file on him that had been maintained by the Counterintelligence/Special Investigative Group.

John M. Whitten and his staff of 30 officers, were sent a large amount of information from the FBI. According to Gerald D. McKnight "the FBI deluged his branch with thousands of reports containing bits and fragments of witness testimony that required laborious and time-consuming name checks." Whitten later described most of this FBI material as "weirdo stuff". As a result of this initial investigation, Whitten told Richard Helms that he believed that Oswald had acted alone in the assassination of John F. Kennedy.

On 6th December, Nicholas Katzenbach invited John M. Whitten and Birch O'Neal, Angleton's trusted deputy and senior Special Investigative Group (SIG) officer to read Commission Document 1 (CD1), the report that the FBI had written on Lee Harvey Oswald. Whitten now realized that the FBI had been withholding important information on Oswald from him. He also discovered that Richard Helms had not been providing him all of the agency's available files on Oswald. This included Oswald's political activities in the months preceding the assassination.

John M. Whitten had a meeting where he argued that Oswald's pro-Castro political activities needed closer examination, especially his attempt to shoot the right-wing General Edwin Walker, his relationship with anti-Castro exiles in New Orleans, and his public support for the pro-Castro Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Whitten added that has he had been denied this information, his initial conclusions on the assassination were "completely irrelevant."

Helms responded by taking Whitten off the case. James Jesus Angleton was now put in charge of the investigation. According to Gerald McKnight (Breach of Trust) Angleton "wrested the CIA's in-house investigation away from John Whitten because he either was convinced or pretended to believe that the purpose of Oswald's trip to Mexico City had been to meet with his KGB handlers to finalize plans to assassinate Kennedy." Over the next few months Angleton worked with William Sullivan of the FBI in providing information to the Warren Commission.

During this period Angleton continued to interview Anatoli Golitsin. He now claimed that Hugh Gaitskell had been murdered in January 1963 to allow Harold Wilson, a KGB agent, to become leader of the Labour Party. Angleton believed Golitsin but few senior members of the CIA agreed with him. They pointed out that Gaitskell had died after Golitsin had left the Soviet Union and would have had to know in advance what was about to take place.

Golitsin also suggested that W. Averell Harriman had been a Soviet spy, while he was the U.S. Ambassador to the Soviet Union during the Second World War. Angleton was convinced by this story as he knew someone was involved in spying the negotiations that took place between Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt. However, other CIA officers thought the story ridiculous and Harriman was appointed by President Lyndon B. Johnson as ambassador-at-large for Southeast Asian affairs.

In January 1964 Yuri Nosenko contacted the CIA and said he had changed his mind and was now willing to defect to the United States. He claimed that he had been recalled to Moscow to be interrogated. Nosenko feared that the KGB had discovered he was a double-agent and once back in the Soviet Union would be executed. Nosenko also claimed that he had important information about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. He insisted that although Lee Harvey Oswald had lived in the Soviet Union he was not a KGB agent.

Nosenko arrived in the United States on 14th February, 1964. However, soon afterwards, Nosenko was undermined by the US National Security Agency who had been monitoring communications between Moscow and Geneva. It discovered that Nosenko had lied about being recalled to the Soviet Union. He was now taken to a CIA detention cell and after extensive interrogation he admitted the story about him being recalled was untrue.

Angleton believed that Anatoli Golitsin was a genuine double-agent but argued that Nosenko was part of a disinformation campaign. However, other CIA officers believed Nosenko and considered Golitsin was a fake.

Some researchers have claimed that Angleton was involved in covering up CIA's involvement in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. H. R. Haldeman, President Nixon's chief of staff, claimed in his book, The Ends of Power: "After Kennedy was killed, the CIA launched a fantastic cover-up. The CIA literally erased any connection between Kennedy's assassination and the CIA... in fact, Counter intelligence Chief James Angleton of the CIA called Bill Sullivan of the FBI and rehearsed the questions and answers they would give to the Warren Commission investigators."

For example, Winston Scott, was CIA station chief in 1963. He retired in 1969 and wrote a memoir about his time in the FBI, OSS and the CIA. He completed the manuscript, It Came To Little, and made plans to discuss the contents of the book with CIA director, Richard Helms, in Washington on 30th April, 1971.

Scott died on 26th April, 1971. No autopsy was performed, and a postmortem suggested he had suffered a heart attack. His son, Michael Scott told Dick Russell that he took away his father's manuscript. Angleton also confiscated three large cartons of files including a tape-recording of the voice of Lee Harvey Oswald. Michael Scott was also told by a CIA source that his father had not died from natural causes.

Michael Scott eventually got his father's manuscript back from the CIA. However, 150 pages were missing. Chapters 13 to 16 were deleted in their entirety. In fact, everything about his life after 1947 had been removed on grounds of national security.

Angleton became convinced that the CIA had been penetrated by a "mole" working for the KGB. He ordered his assistant, Clare Edward Petty, of the ultra-secret Special Investigation Group (SIG), to carry out a study into the possibility that a Soviet spy existed in the higher levels of the CIA. Angleton suggested that David Murphy, a former chief of the Soviet Division, was a spy. Petty eventually produced a 25 page report on Murphy that concluded that he was "probably innocent". Angleton disagreed and insisted he was a spy.

Petty also investigated Pete Bagley, another former chief of the Soviet Division. His report on Bagley ran to over 250 pages and concluded that he was a "good candidate for the mole". Angleton disagreed and insisted that his friend was a loyal CIA officer.

Petty now became suspicious of Angleton and decided to carry out a private investigation into his past. As he later pointed out: "I reviewed Angleton's entire career, going back through his relationships with Philby, his adherence to all of Golitsyn's wild theories, his false accusations against foreign services and the resulting damage to the liaison relationships, and finally his accusation against innocent Soviet Division officers."

As a result of his investigation, Petty concluded that there was an "80-85 percent probability" that Angleton was a Soviet mole. Petty showed his report to several senior CIA officials including William Colby, William Nelson and David Blee. Colby instructed Bronson Tweedy, another senior CIA officer to review Petty's findings. After several months of study, Tweedy argued that there was no justification whatsoever for assuming Angleton to be a Soviet agent.

In February, 1973, James Schlesinger replaced Richard Helms as Director of the CIA. Angleton immediately went to see Schlesinger and gave him a list of more than 30 people that he considered to be Soviet agents. This list included top politicians, foreign intelligence officials and senior CIA officials. Those named included Harold Wilson, the British prime minister, Olof Palme, the Swedish prime minister, Willy Brandt, chairman of the West German Social Democratic Party, Averell Harriman, the former U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union, Lester Pearson, the Canadian prime minister and Henry Kissinger, the National Security Adviser and Secretary of State under President Richard Nixon. Schlesinger listened to Angleton for seven hours. After consulting with other senior figures in the CIA he concluded that he was suffering from paranoia. However, he liked Angleton and decided against forcing him into retirement.

In July 1973, James Schlesinger became President Nixon's Secretary of Defence and William Colby became the new Director of the CIA. Angleton now presented his list of suspected agents to Colby. He reacted by carrying out an investigation into Angleton. He later recalled that he could not find any evidence "that we ever caught a spy under Jim". He added: "That really bothered me... Now I don't care what Jim's political views were as long as he did his job properly, and I'm afraid, in that respect, he was not a good CI chief."

Colby was also concerned about Angleton's mental health. However, he found it difficult to sack him. On 20th December, 1973, Seymour Hersh contacted William Colby and told him that he had evidence that Angleton had organized a massive spying campaign against thousands of American citizens. This action had violated the CIA charter. Hersh informed Colby that he planned to publish the story a few days later. Colby immediately called Angleton to his office and was ordered to resign.

In March, 1976, James Truitt gave an interview to the National Enquirer. Truitt told the newspaper that Mary Pinchot Meyer , who had been murdered on 12th October, 1964, was having an affair with John F. Kennedy. He also claimed that Meyer had told his wife, Ann Truitt, that she was keeping an account of this relationship in her diary. Meyer asked Truitt to take possession of a private diary "if anything ever happened to me".

Ann Truitt was living in Tokyo at the time of the murder. She phoned Ben Bradlee at his home and asked him if he had found the diary. Bradlee, who claimed he was unaware of his sister-in-law's affair with Kennedy, knew nothing about the diary. He later recalled what he did after Truitt's phone-call: "We didn't start looking until the next morning, when Tony and I walked around the corner a few blocks to Mary's house. It was locked, as we had expected, but when we got inside, we found Jim Angleton, and to our complete surprise he told us he, too, was looking for Mary's diary."

Angleton admitted that he knew of Mary's relationship with John F. Kennedy and was searching her home looking for her diary and any letters that would reveal details of the affair. According to Ben Bradlee, it was Mary's sister, Antoinette Bradlee, who found the diary and letters a few days later. It was claimed that the diary was in a metal box in Mary's studio. The contents of the box were given to Angleton who claimed he burnt the diary. Angleton later admitted that Mary recorded in her diary that she had taken LSD with Kennedy before "they made love".

In 1976 Cleveland Cram, the former Chief of Station in the Western Hemisphere, met George T. Kalaris and Ted Shackley at a cocktail party in Washington. Kalaris, who had replaced Angleton as Chief of Counterintelligence, asked Cram if he would like to come back to work. Cram was told that the CIA wanted a study done of Angleton's reign from 1954 to 1974. "Find out what in hell happened. What were these guys doing."

Cram took the assignment and was given access to all CIA documents on covert operations. The study entitled History of the Counterintelligence Staff 1954-1974, took six years to complete. As David Wise points out in his book Molehunt (1992): "When Cram finally finished it in 1981... he had produced twelve legal-sized volumes, each three hundred to four hundred pages. Cram's approximately four-thousand-page study has never been declassified. It remains locked in the CIA's vaults."

On 16th May, 1978, John M. Whitten appeared before the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA). He criticised Richard Helms for not making a full disclosure about the Rolando Cubela plot to the Warren Commission. He added " I think that was a morally highly reprehensible act, which he cannot possibly justify under his oath of office or any other standard of professional service."

Whitten also said that if he had been allowed to continue with the investigation he would have sought out what was going on at JM/WAVE. This would have involved the questioning of Ted Shackley, David Sanchez Morales, Carl E. Jenkins, Rip Robertson, George Joannides, Gordon Campbell and Thomas G. Clines. As Jefferson Morley has pointed out in The Good Spy: "Had Whitten been permitted to follow these leads to their logical conclusions, and had that information been included in the Warren Commission report, that report would have enjoyed more credibility with the public. Instead, Whitten's secret testimony strengthened the HSCA's scathing critique of the C.I.A.'s half-hearted investigation of Oswald. The HSCA concluded that Kennedy had been killed by Oswald and unidentifiable co-conspirators."

John M. Whitten also told the HSCA that James Jesus Angleton involvement in the investigation of the assassination of John F. Kennedy was "improper". Although he was placed in charge of the investigation by Richard Helms, Angleton "immediately went into action to do all the investigating". When Whitten complained to Helms about this he refused to act.

Whitten believes that Angleton's attempts to sabotage the investigation was linked to his relationship with the Mafia. Whitten claims that Angleton also prevented a CIA plan to trace mob money to numbered accounts in Panama. Angleton told Whitten that this investigation should be left to the FBI. When Whitten mentioned this to a senior CIA official, he replied: "Well, that's Angleton's excuse. The real reason is that Angleton himself has ties to the Mafia and he would not want to double-cross them."

Whitten also pointed out that as soon as Angleton took control of the investigation he concluded that Cuba was unimportant and focused his internal investigation on Oswald's life in the Soviet Union. If Whitten had remained in charge he would have "concentrated his attention on CIA's JM/WAVE station in Miami, Florida, to uncover what George Joannides, the station chief, and operatives from the SIG and SAS knew about Oswald."

James Angleton died of lung cancer at Washington's Sibley Memorial Hospital on 11th May, 1987, and was buried in his hometown of Boise, Idaho.

In 1993 Cleveland Cram completed a study carried out on behalf of the CIA's Center for the Study of Intelligence (CSI). Of Moles and Molehunters: A Review of Counterintelligence Literature. This document was declassified in 2003. In the document Cram reveals that several senior CIA officers, including Clare Edward Petty, Angleton's assistant, were convinced that the former Chief of Counterintelligence, was a KGB agent.

In his book, Oswald and the CIA (2008), John Newman argued: "In my view, whoever Oswald's direct handler or handlers were, we must now seriously consider the possibility that Angleton was probably their general manager. No one else in the Agency had the access, the authority, and the diabolically ingenious mind to manage this sophisticated plot. No one else had the means necessary to plant the WWIII virus in Oswald's files and keep it dormant for six weeks until the president's assassination. Whoever those who were ultimately responsible for the decision to kill Kennedy were, their reach extended into the national intelligence apparatus to such a degree that they could call upon a person who knew its inner secrets and workings so well that he could design a failsafe mechanism into the fabric of the plot. The only person who could ensure that a national security cover-up of an apparent counterintelligence nightmare was the head of counterintelligence."

The Mighty Wurlitzer

Our Man in Mexico

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Also see:


JAMES JESUS ANGLETON, THE CIA, & THE CRAFT OF INTELLIGENCE by Michael Holzman, Ph.D.

The CIA, Narcotics & Underworld:
Doug Valentine Interview

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And see:

Lookin' Back: OSS-CIA figure Angleton had the goods on those in power

PAUL L. ALLEN, , : a.m.

Tucson Citizen

James Jesus Angleton, the most shadowy and enigmatic figure in the Central Intelligence Agency's history, was a periodic Tucson visitor for 40 years before he died in 1987. His widow, Cicely, maintains a home here.

Angleton joined his father as an operative in the the Office of Strategic Services, the CIA's predecessor, in 1943.

The younger Angleton, a very private man and insomniac, was a chain-smoker who died of lung cancer - undoubtedly an inspiration for the fictitious and sinister "cigarette-smoking man" character in the TV series "The X-Files."

In his private time, he enjoyed reading poetry and pursuing the patience- challenging hobby of raising orchids. In his work, he was the relentless hunter of "moles" - enemy double (or triple) agents he believed were embedded within America's intelligence-gathering organization.

He hoped to preclude such deep-cover agents from stealing additional nuclear weapons secrets and to safeguard what was said to be America's most highly classified secrets (more secret, even, than development of the hydrogen bomb) - UFO studies and data on extraterrestrial life forms.

From the time the CIA was formed in 1947 until his forced resignation in 1974 by longtime adversary and CIA Director William Colby, Angleton was a feared individual. As a favorite of the first civilian director of the CIA, Allen Dulles (1953-1961), he was given virtual free rein, and an accusation from him spelled the end of an agent's career.

The CIA was formed in part to quietly handle a delicate situation: securing for the United States the services of thousands of former members of the German intelligence force - despite the fact that many of them, recent enemies of the United States, had committed war crimes.

The uneasy relationship between the Soviets and the United States during and after World War II meant intelligence information about them that the Germans had amassed was of intense interest. However, the Germans' recruitment and hiring was kept hidden from the American public, which would have found the idea repugnant.

Angleton was said to have maintained his position much the way that J. Edgar Hoover retained control of the Federal Bureau of Investigation: by learning the "dirty little secrets" of others in power, and using the threat of divulging those secrets as leverage.

Some claimed Angleton assured his place in the agency by agreeing not to demand close background checks or polygraph tests of Dulles and some 60 of his closest associates.

Angleton was born Dec. 9, 1917, in Boise, Idaho, son of National Cash Register franchise owner James Hugh Angleton and his Mexican wife, Carmen Mercedes Moreno.

In 1933, the family moved to Europe, and young James was educated in Italy and England before earning a degree at Yale University and enrolling in law school at Harvard University.

When OSS was organized in 1942, the elder Angleton became a colonel. The next year, after his son had been inducted into the Army, he arranged for him to be assigned to OSS duty, as well.

The younger Angleton was sent to London for instruction in counterintelligence by British spymaster Kim Philby and others - who, ironically, later were exposed as double-agents for the Soviet Union. Training completed, he was assigned as an OSS Army lieutenant involved in counterintelligence in Italy.

It was during his time at Harvard that he met his future wife, Cicely d'Autremont, a Tucson banker's daughter enrolled at Vassar College. They were married in 1943. (She declined to be interviewed for this column.)

In addition to trying to ferret out "moles," Angleton was involved in other facets of the "spook" business, including disinformation and personally overseeing formation and ongoing liaison with the Israeli foreign intelligence arm, Mossad. His early work in Italy is thought to have laid the groundwork for later cooperative associations with Mafia figures when their particular "talents" and connections were required.

Conspiracy theorists believe there is evidence to link Angleton, directly or indirectly, with involvement in the John F. Kennedy assassination; the slaying of a JFK mistress, Mary Pinchot Meyer; and the suspicious "suicide" of a senior CIA official by carbon monoxide poisoning, among others.

Angleton was considered by some to have become increasingly paranoid - perhaps clinically so - by the 1970s, believing several leaders of other nations, including Canadian prime ministers Lester Pearson and Pierre Trudeau, Swedish prime minister Olof Palme, West German chancellor Willy Brandt and British prime minister Harold Wilson to be Soviet agents.

After Angleton left the CIA in 1974, three of his senior assistants were forced into retirement and his counter- intelligence division reduced from 300 people to 80 at Colby's direction.

After his death - May 12, 1987, at Washington's Sibley Hospital at age 69 - Angleton was buried at Morris Hill Cemetery in Boise, Idaho. A son, two daughters and his widow survived.

Paul L. Allen may be reached at pallen@tucsoncitizen.com or 573-4588. For more history coverage, go to www.tucsoncitizen.com/history.

Council on Foreign Relations

1919
Mar 3, 1919 - The Council on Foreign Relations has obtained from the Administration a definite statement of policy regarding the protection of American citizens ... The letter which was written by-Lindsay Russell for the Council on Foreign Relations, continued " This statement clearly defined the ...
From … FOREIGN INTERESTS; Secretary Redfield States Policy of Protection for …- Related web pages
select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res ...


http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9D07E2D71E3BE03ABC4B53DFB5668382609EDE

U.S. TO SAFEGUARD FOREIGN INTERESTS; Secretary Redfield States Policy of Protection for Lifeand Property.REVERSES BRYAN STANDCouncil an Foreign Relations Interprets Letter to Represent Administration's Attitude.

March 3, 1919, Monday
Section: Business & Finance, Page 20, 1079 words

The Council on Foreign Relations has obtained from the Administration a definite statement of policy regarding the protection of American citizens and property in foreign countries by William C. Redfield, Secretary of Commerce, in reply to a request from the Council for his interpretation of what the Government... [ END OF FIRST PARAGRAPH ]

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1921
Jul 15, 1921 - Court Justice Finch approved yesterday a petition for a .certifica.te of incorporation of the Council of Foreign Relations, organized, as set forth in the motion papers, "To afford a . on internation:~l questions affecting LW ited States. by bringing together experts in state craft, ...
From … TO AID STATECRAFT.; Council of Foreign Relations Gets Charter From …- Related web pages
select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res ...


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http://www.cfr.org/about/history/

History

History of CFR

“It happens very seldom indeed that novel and sensible ideas spring forth from the never-ending discourse about U.S. foreign policy. But without all the palaver, such ideas would rarely have a chance to breathe. Since 1921, the Council on Foreign Relations has been the privileged and preeminent nongovernmental impresario of America’s pageant to find its place in the world.” Learn more »


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Council on Foreign Relations



Council on Foreign Relations http://www.cfr.org/

Foreign affairs website http://www.foreignaffairs.com/


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Shadow Government

Link in title


Shadow Government

The reader should bear in mind that, although this article explains the "U.S./British Connection", England has been under economic and political control of the Rothschild money trust for centuries.
Without that understanding, the subject of the US/British connection serves to create confusion as to WHO or WHAT is behind those individuals, groups, societies, etc. which, - while not well known to the general population - are somewhat more visible.
A clue is given in the statement: "The money to found the CFR came in part from J.P. Morgan, John D. Rockefeller, Bernard Baruch, Otto Kahn, Jacob Schiff and Paul Warburg".
This article was found at: www.biblebelievers.org.au/ and expands on the CFR's beginnings as excerpted from Quigley's book Tragedy and Hope .
- Jackie - February 8th, 2001
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An Introduction to the "Little Sister" of The Royal Institute of International Affairs: The U.S. Council on Foreign Relations

By Eric Samuelson, J.D.
janeric@concentric.net

"Since its founding... the CFR has been the preeminent intermediary between the world of high finance, big oil, corporate elitism, and the U.S. government. Its members slide smoothly into cabinet-level jobs in Republican and Democratic administrations. The policies promulgated in its quarterly journal, Foreign Affairs, become U.S. government policy." -- Jonathan Vankin (1)

"As a teenager, I heard John Kennedy's summons to citizenship. And then, as a student, I heard that call clarified by a professor I had named Carroll Quigley." -- Democratic Presidential Nominee Bill Clinton

When Bill Clinton delivered his acceptance speech at the Democratic convention, on July 16, 1992, Carroll Quigley's name was not exactly a household word.(2) Quigley, Dean of The School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University, had graduated magna cum from Harvard. He made Ripley's "Believe It or Not" for being Harvard's youngest person to receive a Ph.D. After teaching at Harvard and Princeton, he went to Georgetown where for 28 consecutive years alumni selected him as their most influential professor.

Clinton, Quigley's student, went on to become a Rhodes Scholar, a CFR member, a Trilateral Commission member and a Bilderberger participant. He joined the Council on Foreign Relations in 1989, attended a Bilderberg meeting in 1991 and was a current member of the Trilateral Commission at the time of his nomination.(3) Clinton, before the American public, openly acknowledged his Georgetown mentor and clued his followers from the convention podium. He then went on in November to defeat former CFR/Trilateralist/Skull and Bones member President George H.W. Bush.

The shadowy political and even "foreign" beginnings of the Council on Foreign Relations have long been intentionally obscured. For more than three decades the CFR received no notice by authors, the general public or serious researchers. When mentioned, it is almost always in articles detailing how many of the appointees of a given administration, as usual, have a "CFR connection". (4)

Santa Barbara sociologist G. William Domhoff wrote in 1978 that the CFR had been the subject of only two "academic studies." This, he said, provided "an impressive commentary in itself on how little social scientists know about policy-making in the United States."(5) A lack of academic commentary has also been paralleled by little coverage in the media or press. It was not until some 37 years after the creation of the CFR that a mainstream magazine article was published in Harper's by Joseph Kraft in July 1958 entitled: "School for Statesmen."(6)

A major clue was given by Georgetown University Professor Carroll Quigley in an interview. Quigley, in his best Boston accent, dismissed the Radical-Right interpretation as 'garbage'. But he then added: 'To be perfectly blunt, you could find yourself in trouble dealing with this subject." He explained that his career as a lecturer in the government institution circuit was all but ruined because of the twenty or so pages he had written about the existence of Round Table Groups. As we will see, the CFR was, indeed, a British Round Table creation. This is one of the most important hidden secrets of the NYC-based CFR.

The story of the British connection to the Council on Foreign Relations may be traced back to George Peabody, J.P. Morgan, Andrew Carnegie, Nicholas M. Butler and Col. Edward House -- all who may be described a British loyalists. A Secret Society was established by Cecil Rhodes in connection with Rothschild, Morgan, Carnegie, and Rockefeller. A small highly secret group called the Round Table directed operations.(7)

The story begins at least when George Peabody moved to London and took up English residence in 1837 -- the same year Queen Victoria ascended the throne. He joined with other merchant bankers who traded in dry goods in "high finance." This consisted of exclusive service to "governments, large companies and rich individuals." (8) Soon after his arrival in London, Peabody was summoned by Baron Nathan Mayer Rothschild. Rothschild offered to pay all his entertainment bills. Hence, the famous Peabody July 4th dinners were bought and paid for by funds from the Rothschilds.(9) In 1837, Peabody was warned, in advance, by his British friends of their decision "to withdraw credits from the worldwide markets and thereby depress commercial values; so he was fully liquid and ready to pounce on the American properties rendered bargains by the British move."(10) In the crash of 1837 Peabody made a fortune purchasing depressed property in America.(11) In 1854 the American Ambassador to London, James Buchanan, stormed out of the room when George Peabody toasted Queen Victoria before President Pierce.(12) Peabody "was the founder of the Morgan financial empire." (13) In 1859 Junius Morgan assumed control of George Peabody and Company. He traded Union bonds. The Civil War was "a bonanza for German-Jewish bankers on Wall Street, who raised loans from the numerous Union sympathizers in Germany." (14) Peabody's American agent was the Boston firm of Beebe, Morgan and Company -- headed by Junius Morgan.(15) When J. Pierpont Morgan was in Vienna, his father wrote that Alexander Duncan had an opening in Duncan, Sherman & Company -- a bank affiliated with George Peabody in London. Pierpont "soon was acting as George Peabody & Company's American representative.(16)

Andrew Carnegie (1835-1919), in 1872, was paid a $150,000 commission for placing $6 million of bonds of a Pennsylvania branch road in Europe. He made another $75,000 on a second trip. While in England in 1873, on one of his frequent trips to Great Britain, he met Henry Bessemer and saw the Bessemer process of making steel. He then organized Carnegie, McCandless & Company with a capital of $700,000 and built a new steel plant named the Edgar Thompson Steel Works (to flatter the president of the Pennsylvania Railroad to get generous rebates). (17)

In the original edition of Andrew Carnegie's 1893 book, Triumphant Democracy, he stated: "Time may dispel many pleasing illusions and destroy many noble dreams but it will never shake my belief that the wound caused by the wholly unlooked for and undesired separation of the Mother from her child is not to bleed forever. Let men say what they will, therefore I say, that surely as the sun in the heavens once shone upon Britain and America united, so surely is it one morning to rise, shine upon, and greet again the United States, the British American Union."(18) In 1948 a bio of Carnegie ended: "There is bound to be universal peace, he believed, through the final interlocking of the national interests throughout the world. At first a coalition of America and England -- a union of the English-speaking race. Then a United States of Europe. And finally a unification of the entire human race."(19) Carnegie was a vice president and generous financial supporter of the Anti-Imperialist League from its formation in 1898 until his death. His profits went from almost $3.5 million in 1887 to $40 million in 1900. (20) He consolidated his holdings into Carnegie Steel Co. in 1899. On December 12, 1900 an informal parliament of "all the biggest men of New York" was held as a dinner party to the president of the Carnegie Steel Company -- "Smiling Charlie" Schwab. After an all night session, some weeks later, Morgan sent Schwab to Carnegie: "Go and find his price." The resulting price of $492,000,000, dubbed a "stupendous ransom," was paid to Carnegie with $300,000,000 in bonds and preferred stock. (21) Carnegie's assets were actually worth only $80 million but Morgan merged other corporations to create U.S. Steel Company controlling 65% of U.S. steelmaking capacity. (22) At the end of his steel career, in 1901, he turned over his Carnegie Steel to J.P. Morgan who merged it with three other steel giants (the Tennessee Coal and Iron Company, the Illinois Steel Company and Colorado Fuel and Iron) to form the U.S. Steel Corporation -- the first billion dollar corporation in America. (23)

Andrew Carnegie financed three temples of peace: Central America Court of Justice, the Pan American Union and the Palace of Peace at the Hague (which cost $1.5 million to construct in 1903). (24) He was also a member of the Philippine Independence Committee (1904) and a vice president of the Filipino Progress Association (1905-1907). In 1905 Carnegie gave $10 million to provide pensions for retired college professors. Those who gathered at Carnegie's mansion on November 15, 1905, included Charles W. Eliot (Harvard), Woodrow Wilson (Princeton), Arthur Hadley (Yale) and David Star Jordan (Stanford).(25)

The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace was set up in 1910. The initial direction of the fund was given by Carnegie to Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler (1862-1947). Butler got excited about the peril of the Allies in World War I and decided that the best way to establish peace was to help get the United States into the War. (26) Butler was President of Columbia University (1901-1945), helped establish the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and served as its President (1925-1945). Norman Dodd, research director for the Reece Committee, was invited to examine the warehoused records of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. The minutes, inspected by a Dodd researcher, revealed that in 1910 the Carnegie trustees asked: "Is there any way known to man more effective than war, to so alter the life of an entire people?" The trustees ultimately decided that war was the most effective way to change people. A year later the minutes showed that the trustees asked: "How do we involve the United States in a war?" And they answered: "We must control the diplomatic machinery of the United States," by first gaining "control of the State Department." The trustees also sent a confidential message to President Wilson insisting that the war not end too quickly. Dodd also found that all high appointments in the State Department took place only after they had been cleared by the Council of Learned Societies (established by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace). (27) The Church Peace Union was established at a meeting at the home of Andrew Carnegie in 1914 with an endowment of over $2 million. (28) Andrew Carnegie, J.P. Morgan and Otto Kahn backed the 1915 Anglo-French loan. (29) The 1915 loans were said by Morgan to be made for "trade" purposes. (30)

The League of Free Nations was created in early 1918 (in 1920 it became the Foreign Policy Association). (31) The Foreign Policy Association "grew out of a meeting of nineteen writers, editors, educators, and such with a view to selling Wilsonian policies and the League of Nations to the public." (32) The Foreign Policy Association, however, soon began to play "second fiddle" to the CFR.

In June 1918, a "more discrete" club of New York "financiers and international lawyers" was formed headed by Elihu Root (an Andrew Carnegie lawyer). (33) The 108 members of the original Council on Foreign Relations were described by Whitney Shepardson as "high-ranking officers of banking, manufacturing, trading and finance companies, together with many lawyers." (34) International Bankers provided the money: "In Britain the organization was (initially) called the Institute for International Affairs (IIA) while in New York it operated as the Council for Foreign Relations (CFR). The finances for the group came from wealthy international bankers..." (35) The CFR was founded "by East Coast bankers, lawyers and academicians..." (36) By April 1919, however, the CFR "went dormant." (37)

A Texan named House was a key individual before and during the Wilson administration. He helped establish the income tax, the Federal Reserve System, coined the phrase "league of nations," drafted the covenant for the League of Nations and presided over the creation of the Council on Foreign Relations (C.F.R.).

Col. Edward M. House (the title came from a Texas Governor) inherited a fortune estimated at around $1.5 million. He was born in Houston, Texas -- the son of a wealthy planter and banker. (38) Originally the House ("Huis") family was Dutch. House's family had lived in England for 300 years before his father came to Texas. (39) Thomas William House came to Texas to fight under Sam Houston and was an American agent for London Banking interests "said by some to the House of Rothschild..." (40) Edward House attended school in England for several years as a young boy: "Much of his youth and adult life was spent in the British Isles, which he regularly visited." (41) The elder House said he wanted to raise his sons to "know and serve England." (42) House surrounded himself with prominent members of the Fabian Society. (43) Between 1892 and 1902 he elected four Texas Governors. (44)

In the winter of 1911-1912, House wrote Philip Dru: Administrator. House said he was working for "Socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx..." The book was a fictional plan for the conquest of America by gaining control of both the Republican and Democratic parties and using them to create a socialist world government. Central portions of the plan included a graduated federal income tax and a central bank. (45) The book also outlined an inheritance tax and suggested taking functions away from the states. (46) It suggested a conspiracy "insinuated into the primaries, in order that no candidate might be nominated whose views were not in accord with theirs." (47) House passed the book to his father-in-law in New York City -- Dr. Sidney E. Mezes. Mezes, who read and approved the book, was Director of the College of the City of New York and former President of the University of Texas. House then sent the book to future Wilson cabinet member David F. Houston. Houston declared the work economically sound but said the fiction in it was so thin that he advised it be rewritten as a serious work. (48)

After his November 1912 election, Woodrow Wilson, on vacation in Bermuda, read Philip Dru. (49) Arthur Howden Smith wrote: "In nine months the Wilson administration completely reorganized the financial structure in accordance with the conceptions outlined in 'Philip Dru.'" (50) From 1912-1914, Wilson's legislative program "was largely the program of House's book..." (51) The New York Times in January 1913 found the authorship of Philip Dru to still be a puzzle. (52) In 1915 House was still trying to conceal his connection as author of the book. (53) Among those who read the novel was Franklin Delano Roosevelt -- then Assistant Secretary of the Navy -- whose mother was then and always a close friend of Colonel House. (54) It was published by B.W. Huebsch -- "a favorite publisher of the Left and for many years a valued collaborator of American Fabian Socialist groups." (55) In 1917 a bookseller wrote regarding the House book: "As time goes on the interest in it becomes more intense, due to the fact that so many of the ideas expressed...have become laws of this Republic, and so many of his ideas have been discussed as becoming laws." He ended with the question: "Is Colonel E.M. House of Texas the author? If not, who is?" Seymour admitted: "Colonel House was, in truth, the author; to his other occupations he added that of novelist." (56) Both Franklin K. Lane and W. J. Bryan commented on the influence of Philip Dru on Wilson. (57) In 1918, Franklin K. Lane, Woodrow Wilson's Secretary of the Interior, stated in a private letter: "All that book has said should be, comes about...The President comes to Philip Dru, in the end." (58) House's book has been said to have outlined the next 40-50 years in code (DRU is also said to be the code for David Rex Universe). (59)

Charles Seymour called Col. House "the unseen guardian angel of the (Federal Reserve) bill." (60) The banker J. Horace Harding held a dinner at which House "convinced the financial overlords that the Democratic donkey, with Wilson in the saddle, would not kick over the traces....The Schiffs, the Warburgs, the Kuhns, the Rockefellers, the Morgans put their faith in House..." (61) On November 17, 1913, Paul Warburg requested an interview, with House, to include Jacob Schiff and Cleveland Dodge. Dodge was grateful for a "substantial subscription for the Y.M.C.A. fund." Warburg did most of the talking. Schiff favored only four regional reserve banks. (62) Schiff said House was the Moses and they would be the Aarons: "He asked if I knew my Bible well enough for this to be clear to be. I told him I did." (63) Schiff then wrote to House on December 23, 1913: "I want to say a word of appreciation to you for the silent, but no doubt effective work you have done in the interest of currency legislation..." (64) After getting the Federal Reserve through, House then turned to international affairs. (65) House "had powerful connections with international bankers in New York. He was influential...with great financial institutions represented by such people as Paul and Felix Warburg, Otto H. Kahn, Louis Marburg, Henry Morgenthau, Jacob and Mortimer Schiff and Herbert Lehman. House had equally powerful connections with bankers and politicians of Europe." (66) Jacob Schiff died on September 25, 1920. Of all the other living bankers named by Smoot, all, without an exception, were later founding members of the CFR in 1921. (67) The original 270-secret crowd that created the Federal Reserve System "were all in the original (CFR) membership." They included Jacob Schiff, Averell Harriman, Frank Vanderlip, Nelson Aldrich, Bernard Baruch, J.P. Morgan and John D. Rockefeller. (68)

Associates of J.P. Morgan and Company created an American parallel group to the Milner Group before the first World War. (69) The RIIA was an above-ground group: "During the Versailles Treaty talks after the war, Round Table members Lionel Curtis, Balfour, Milner, and others formed an above-ground group called the Royal Institute of International Affairs for the purpose of coordinating Anglo-American cooperative efforts. They decided also to form an American branch, but gave it a different name in order to secure its antecedents. Thus was born the Council on Foreign Relations, originally staffed by J.P. Morgan men and financed by Morgan money." (70) The two groups were established to prevent the American people from reacting with patriotic fury if it was discovered that the CFR was in fact a subsidiary of the British Round Table. (71) The man most responsible for creating subgroups of the Round Table was Lionel Curtis. He established local chapters of the Round Table called the Royal Institute of International Affairs: "In the United States, the Round Table 'front group' was named the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)." (72)

A savy observer has described the CFR's British front-role: "The interlock problem is conspicuous for another reason, one which has never been addressed by Congress. It seems that certain huge Yankee foundations, namely Rockefeller, Ford, and Carnegie, have been conscious instruments of covert U.S. foreign policy, with directors and officers who can only be described as agents of U.S. intelligence. According to Quigley, the roots for this can be traced to the establishment of an American branch of the British Royal Institute in 1921, which itself had grown out of the Rhodes Trust. The American branch, called the Council on Foreign Relations, was a largely a front for J. P. Morgan and Company." (73)

The Council on Foreign Relations Handbook of 1936 stated: "On May 30, 1919, several leading members of the delegations to the Paris Peace Conference met at the Hotel Majestic in Paris to discuss setting up an international group which would advise their respective governments on international affairs. The U.S. was represented by Gen. Tasker H. Bliss (Chief of Staff, U.S. Army), Col. Edward M. House, Whitney H. Shepardson, Dr. James T. Shotwell, and Prof. Archibald Coolidge. Great Britain was unofficially represented by Lord Robert Cecil, Lionel Curtis, Lord Eustace Percy, and Harold Temperley." The May 30th meeting was held at the billet of the British delegation and proposed an Anglo-American Institute of International Affairs -- one branch in London and one in New York. (74) The New York and London locations were appropriate since "nearly all of them were bankers and lawyers." (75)

The British moved quickly to establish their branch. (76) The establishment of the American branch was much slower. When the American delegates got home their fellow citizens were "absorbed in isolationism and prohibition, throughly inhospitable to the ideas of the League of Nations." (77)

So far no complete list of the fifty dinner guests has been located. It has been stated, however: "The twenty-one Americans, who, together with (their 29) British counterparts, founded in Paris The Institute of International Affairs, were a diverse group that included Col. Edward M. House, Herbert Hoover, Gen. Tasker Bliss, Christian Herter, and such scholars as Charles Seymour, later President of Yale, Professors Archibald Cary Coolidge of Harvard and James T. Shotwell of Columbia." (78) There were two camps. One was headed by the U.S. official negotiators Tasker H. Bliss and Edward House along with advisors Herbert Hoover and Thomas W. Lamont -- along with their aides. The other side was composed of the twelve scholars that had served the American delegation in an advisory capacity. (79) Most of the scholars were from Harvard, Yale and Columbia. (80)

The returning Inquiry scholars lacked the funds to create the envisioned American Institute of International Affairs but offered diplomatic experience, expertise and high-level contacts: "The men of law and banking, by contrast, could tap untold resources of finance...This was the synergy that produced the modern Council..." (81) The money to found the CFR came in part from J.P. Morgan, John D. Rockefeller, Bernard Baruch, Otto Kahn, Jacob Schiff and Paul Warburg. (82)

Another source suggests that the original CFR itself had fund-raising problems: "They took the name of an organization already in existence. The original Council on Foreign Relations had been formed in New York in July, 1918, but in little more than a year had become inactive owing to an inability to raise the necessary funds. It was with 66 members of this original crowd that the peacemongers from Paris merged to form the organization we know today." (83)

J.P. Morgan's personal attorney, John W. Davis (and later Republican presidential candidate), was the founding President of the CFR. Paul Carvath, the first Vice-President of the CFR, also represented the J.P. Morgan interests. The council's first chairman was Morgan partner Russell Leffingwell. Morgan also had the loyalty of many professors due to his large academic endowments. (84) Paul Cravath was also the founder of the famous law firm of Cravath, Swaine & Moore. (85)

In summary, the Federal Reserve System, the League of Nations and the Council on Foreign Relations had both common origins and creators. Last, but not least, the CFR was of British -- not U.S. origin.

NEXT: A Closer Look At Some of the CFR's 1921 Founders.

ENDNOTES:

1. Conspiracies, Coverups and Crimes 70 (1992).
2. NameBase NewsLine, No. 1, "Clinton, Quigley, and Conspiracy: What's Going on Here?" (April-June 1993).
3. NameBase NewsLine, No. 1, "Clinton, Quigley, and Conspiracy: What's Going on Here?" (April-June 1993).
4. A collection of the charts of F.R.E.E. (Fund To Restore An Educated Electorate, founded by Johnny Stewart of Waco), proves the dominance of the CFR from the Democratic Carter administration, to the Republican Reagan administration, to the Bush and also the Bill Clinton administrations. It truly does not matter which party happens to be in power-the CFR runs U.S. foreign policy regardless of the political party in power. In 1952 and 1956 CFR Adlai Stevenson challenged CFR Ike. In 1960 it was CFR Nixon or CFR JFK. In 1968 it was a choice of CFR Nixon or CFR Humphrey. In 1972 the candidates were CFR Nixon and CFR McGovern. Gary Allen, The Rockefeller File 56 (1976).
5. G. William Domhoff, The Powers That Be 64 (1978).
6. An exception to the lack of CFR coverage came in the December 9, 1950 issue of the Chicago Tribune where an editorial said of CFR members: "There is blood on them-the dried blood of the last war (WWII) and the fresh blood of the present one (Korean War)." Des Griffin, Fourth Reich of the Rich 129 (1989). For a relatively early article, See Also: J. Anthony Lukas, "The Council on Foreign Relations - Is It a Club? Seminar? Presidium? 'Invisible Government'? New York Times Magazine (November 21, 1971).
7. W. Cleon Skousen, The Naked Capitalist 50 (1970)
.
8. Ron Chernow, The House of Morgan 4 (1990).
9. Eustace Mullins, The Secrets of the Federal Reserve 49 (1991).
10. Anton Chaitkin, Treason in America 319 (1985).
11. Anton Chaitkin, Treason in America 344 (1985).
12. Ron Chernow, The House of Morgan 7 (1990).
13. Anton Chaitkin, Treason in America 307 (1985).
14. Ron Chernow, The House of Morgan 13 (1990).
15. Eustace Mullins, The Secrets of the Federal Reserve 50 (1991).
16. Cass Canfield, Outrageous Fortunes 68 (1981).
17. B.C. Forbes, Men Who Made America Great 42 (1917).
18. Wickliffe B. Vennard, Sr., The Federal Reserve Hoax Exposed 121 (1973).
19. Henry Thomas and Danna Lee Thomas, 50 Great Americans 241 (Doubleday & Co.: N.Y. 1948).
20. Robert Green McCloskey, American Conservatism In The Age of Enterprise 146 (1951).
21. Matthew Josephson, The Robber Barons 424-425 (1934).James B. Dill was the man who brought Andrew Carnegie and J.P. Morgan together for the purchase and sale of the Carnegie steel properties.
22. James Trager, The People's Chronology 679 (1979).
23. Thomas R. Dye and L. Harmon Zeigler, The Irony of Democracy 75 (4th Ed. 1978).
24. William P. Hoar, Architects of Conspiracy 69 (1984).
25. David Tyack & Larry Cuban, Tinkering Toward Utopia: a Century of Public School Reform 91 (1995).
26. Rene A. Wormser, Foundations: Their Power and Influence 204 (1958).
27. William T. Still, New World Order: The Ancient Plan of Secret Societies 154 (1990).
28. C. Gregg Singer, The Unholy Alliance 39 (1975). Carnegie was very deferential to Elihu Root who on March 31, 1919, prepared his will witnessed by Silas W. Howland and Clinton Combes (both N.Y. lawyers). The Last Will and Testament 16 (RAF Books 1968).
29. William P. Hoar, Architects of Conspiracy 70 (1984).
30. Antony Sutton, Wall Street And The Bolshevik Revolution 53 (1974).
31. Peter Grose, Continuing The Inquiry 5-7 (1996).
32. Ferdinand Lundberg, The Rockefeller Syndrome 293 (1976).
33. Peter Grose, Continuing The Inquiry 7 (1996).
34. Peter Grose, Continuing The Inquiry 7 (1996).
35. Michael Howard, The Occult Conspiracy 165 (1989).
36. G. William Domhoff, The Powers That Be 64 (1978).
37. Peter Grose, Continuing The Inquiry 8 (1996).
38. Alan Stang, The Actor 2 (1968).
39. Eustace Mullins, The Secrets of the Federal Reserve 25 (1991).
40. Rose L. Martin, Fabian Freeway: High Road to Socialism in the U.S.A. 160 (1966).
41. Rose L. Martin, Fabian Freeway: High Road to Socialism in the U.S.A. 160 (1966).
42. Rose L. Martin, Fabian Freeway: High Road to Socialism in the U.S.A. 160 (1966). House "habitually permitted Sir William Wiseman, head of the British Secret Service in the United States, to sit in his private office in New York and read the most secret documents of the American government. House's father and mother had both been English." Sigmund Freud and William C. Bullitt, Thomas Woodrow Wilson: A Psychological Study 160 (1966).
43. G. Edward Griffin, Creature From Jekyll Island 239 (1994).
44. Alan Stang, The Actor 2 (1968).
45. John E. McManus, The Insiders 7 (1992).
46. Alan Stang, The Actor 13 (1968).
47. Alan Stang, The Actor 14 (1968).
48. Vol. I, The Intimate Papers of Colonel House 154 (Charles Seymour Ed. 1926).
49. Robert F. Rifkind, "The Colonel's Dream of Power," American Heritage 64 (February 1959).
50. Wickliffe B. Vennard, Sr., The Federal Reserve Hoax Exposed 37 (1973).
51. Sigmund Freud and William C. Bullitt, Thomas Woodrow Wilson: A Psychological Study 152 (1966).
52. Robert F. Rifkind, "The Colonel's Dream of Power," American Heritage 62 (February 1959).
53. Alexander L. George & Guliette L. George, Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House 131 (1964).
54. Rose L. Martin, Fabian Freeway: High Road to Socialism in the U.S.A. 159 (1966).
55. Rose L. Martin, Fabian Freeway: High Road to Socialism in the U.S.A. 158 (1966).
56. Vol. I, The Intimate Papers of Colonel House 153 (Charles Seymour Ed. 1926).
57. Rupert Norval Richardson, Colonel Edward M. House: The Texas Years 1858-1912 264 (1964).
58. Dan Smoot, The Invisible Government 44 (1962).
59. Paul Stevens, "The Origin of the Federal Reserve Act," Vol. LXXXIV, No. 401, American Mercury 10-11 (June 1957). In 1932, FDR, as the Democrat candidate, met Col. House at Magnolia, Massachusetts, as they were returning East from the Chicago Convention. Curtis B. Dall, F.D.R.: My Exploited Father-In-Law 109-110 (1968). It has also been said: "That Roosevelt's legislative program of the 1930's followed the Dru course is beyond dispute: The National Industrial Recovery Act, the Agricultural Act, the 'Wealth Tax Act,' the huge measures for relief, the social security program, and the fight to change the structure of the Supreme Court--these are of the essence of Philip Dru's philosophy, and in part follow his practices." Rupert Norval Richardson, Colonel Edward M. House: The Texas Years 1858-1912 264-265 (1964).
60. G. Edward Griffin, Creature from Jekyll Island 459 (1994).
61. Alan Stang, The Actor 16 (1968); George Sylvester Viereck, The Strangest Friendship in History 36-37 (1932).
62. Vol. I, The Intimate Papers of Colonel House 165 (Charles Seymour Ed. 1926).
63. Vol. I, The Intimate Papers of Colonel House 166 (Charles Seymour Ed. 1926).
64. Vol. I, The Intimate Papers of Colonel House 174 (Charles Seymour Ed. 1926).
65. Vol. I, The Intimate Papers of Colonel House 175 (Charles Seymour Ed. 1926).
66. Dan Smoot, The Invisible Government 2 (1962).
67. Paul Warburg, Henry Morgenthau and Jacob Schiff were also all 33rd degree Masons.
68. Larry Abraham, Call It Conspiracy 93 (1985).
69. Carroll Quigley, The Anglo-American Establishment 260 (1981).
70. Alan B. Jones, How The World Really Works 7 (1996).
71. Larry Abraham, Call it Conspiracy 93 (1985).
72. William Bramley, The Gods of Eden 362 (1990).
73. Daniel Brandt, "Philanthropists at War," NameBase NewsLine, No. 15 (October- December 1996).
74. Peter Grose, Continuing The Inquiry (1996).
75. Robert D. Schulzinger, The Wise Men of Foreign Affairs: The History of the Council on Foreign Relations 6 (1984).
76. Leonard & Mark Silk, The American Establishment 186 (1980).
77. Peter Grose, Continuing The Inquiry 5 (1996).
78. Council on Foreign Relations-Annual Report: 1979-1980.
79. Leonard & Mark Silk, The American Establishment 186 (1980).
80. Leonard & Mark Silk, The American Establishment 187 (1980).
81. Peter Grose, Continuing The Inquiry 8 (1996).
82. A. Ralph Epperson, The Unseen Hand 197 (1985).
83. Alan Stang, The Actor 43 (1968). See Also: Whitney H. Shepardson, Early History of the Council on Foreign Relations 1, 8-9 (1960).
84. James Perloff, The Shadows of Power 38 (1988).
85. Thomas R. Dye, Who's Running America? 151 1983).